But that’s not true. They often want to cram every stray fact and experience into their new model. No one believes that the articulation of a coherent design philosophy is best handled by a sprawling, leaderless organizational system. For example, when the change in tube current is large, the aperture width is set small, and, when the change is small, the aperture width is set large. It lasted a Boycotts and sit-ins and nonviolent confrontations—which were the weapons of choice for the civil-rights movement—are high-risk strategies. The same is true of the men who joined the mujahideen in Afghanistan. Recorded complete and direct to 2-Track Stereo Tape at Wally Heider Recording, Hollywood, California on July 15, 19, 20, 21, 29, 1976. White teen-agers waved Confederate flags. 『スモール・チェンジ』（ Small Change ）は、トム・ウェイツが1976年に発表したアルバム。トムにとって初の全米トップ100入りを果たしたアルバムで、代表曲の一つ「トム・トラバーツ・ブルース」収 … The platforms of social media are built around weak ties.

The Stanford sociologist Doug McAdam compared the Freedom Summer dropouts with the participants who stayed, and discovered that the key difference wasn’t, as might be expected, ideological fervor.

Facebook warriors go online to push for change. At noon, the A. Social networks are effective at increasing The students who joined the sit-ins across the South during the winter of 1960 described the movement as a “fever.” But the civil-rights movement was more like a military campaign than like a contagion. They leave little room for conflict and error.

The opposition movement in East Germany consisted of several hundred groups, each with roughly a dozen members. Facebook is a tool for efficiently managing your acquaintances, for keeping up with the people you would not otherwise be able to stay in touch with. Now that it has dissipated into a network, it has proved far less effective.The drawbacks of networks scarcely matter if the network isn’t interested in systemic change—if it just wants to frighten or humiliate or make a splash—or if it doesn’t need to think strategically.

One study of the Red Brigades, the Italian terrorist group of the nineteen-seventies, found that seventy per cent of recruits had at least one good friend already in the organization. How do you make difficult choices about tactics or strategy or philosophical direction when everyone has an equal say?The Palestine Liberation Organization originated as a network, and the international-relations scholars Mette Eilstrup-Sangiovanni and Calvert Jones argue in a recent essay in In Germany in the nineteen-seventies, they go on, “the far more unified and successful left-wing terrorists tended to organize hierarchically, with professional management and clear divisions of labor.

On Wednesday, students from Greensboro’s “Negro” secondary school, Dudley High, joined in, and the number of protesters swelled to eighty.

There was a pause, and McCain said, in a way that works only with people who talk late into the night with one another, “Are you guys chicken or not?” Ezell Blair worked up the courage the next day to ask for a cup of coffee because he was flanked by his roommate and two good friends from high school.The kind of activism associated with social media isn’t like this at all. You can get thousands of people to sign up for a donor registry, because doing so is pretty easy. “Individuals were held accountable for their assigned duties, and important conflicts were resolved by the minister, who usually exercised ultimate authority over the congregation.”This is the second crucial distinction between traditional activism and its online variant: social media are not about this kind of hierarchical organization. But if you think that there are still lunch counters out there that need integrating it ought to give you pause.Shirky ends the story of the lost Sidekick by asking, portentously, “What happens next?”—no doubt imagining future waves of digital protesters. Some time ago, I said that Al Qaeda was ‘eating our lunch on the Internet.’ That is no longer the case. “By this point millions of readers were watching,” Shirky writes, “and dozens of mainstream news outlets had covered the story.” Bowing to the pressure, the N.Y.P.D. & T.’s Scott Hall dormitory. In the late nineteen-fifties, there had been sixteen sit-ins in various cities throughout the South, fifteen of which were formally organized by civil-rights organizations like the N.A.A.C.P.

The cover girl is Cassandra Peterson later to become the character Elvira - Mistress of the Dark. It shifts our energies from organizations that promote strategic and disciplined activity and toward those which promote resilience and adaptability. They would all have remembered the murder of Emmett Till in 1955, the Montgomery bus boycott that same year, and the showdown in Little Rock in 1957.

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